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Communal conflict as a challenge to international organization: the case of former Yugoslavia*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2009

Extract

Towards the end of the First World War, when allied leaders were considering the future structure of what was to become the League of Nations, Jan Christian Smuts of South Africa wrote:

The animosities and rivalries among the independent Balkan States in the past, which kept that pot boiling, and occasionally boiling over, will serve to remind us that there is the risk of a similar state of affairs on a much larger scale in the New Europe, covered as it will be with small independent States. In the past the Empires kept the peace among the rival nationalities; the League will have to keep the peace among the new States formed from these nationalities. This will impose a task of constant and vigilant supervision on it.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1995

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References

1 Smuts, Jan Christian, The League of Nations: A Practical Suggestion (London, 1918), p. 25Google Scholar.

2 This statement was quoted by Carr, E. H. in the interesting chapter on ‘The Crisis of Self-Determination’ in his Conditions of Peace (London, 1942), pp. 41–2Google Scholar.

3 Cited in Schulzinger, Robert D., American Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1984), p. 121Google Scholar.

4 See esp. Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983)Google Scholar.

5 DrTurk, Danilo, Permanent Representative of Slovenia to the UN, Security Council Official Record, 3492nd meeting, 19 January 1995, pp. 78Google Scholar.

6 Apart from other works cited in this text, in the Unite d Kingdom this tradition includes Carr's, E. H.Nationalism and After (London, 1945)Google Scholar; Cobban, Alfred, The Nation State and National Self-Determination, rev. edn (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Kedourie, Elie, Nationalism in Asia and Africa (London, 1971)Google Scholar; and Seton-Watson, Hugh, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London, 1977)Google Scholar.

7 See especially Seton-Watson, R. W., The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (London, 1911), pp. 46–7Google Scholar. This book carries the hopeful printed inscription: ‘To that Austrian Statesman who shall possess the genius and the courage necessary to solve the Southern Slav question, this book is respectfully dedicated.’ In the copy in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a reader has handwritten here: ‘Marshall Tito’. Alas!

8 See e.g. Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, Pandaemonium: Ethnicity in International Politics (Oxford, 1993)Google Scholar; and Connor's, Walker collected articles from several decades in his Ethnonationalism: The Quest for Understanding (Princeton, NJ, 1994)Google Scholar.

9 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics among Nations, 4th edn (New York, 1967), pp. 97158Google Scholar: this is Part III, ‘National Power’. See also his discussion of nationalism on pp. 321–4. The equivalent passages in the 6th edn are at pp. 117–83 and 349–52.

10 Henkin, Louis, How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy, 2nd edn (New York, 1979), p. 1nGoogle Scholar.

11 Boutros-Ghali, Boutros, An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-keeping (New York, 1992), para. 11Google Scholar.

12 Boutros-Ghali, , statement in opening a seminar on ethnic conflict at National Defense University, Washington, DC, 8 November 1993, UN doc. SG/SM/5152 (New York, 1993), pp. 3, 5Google Scholar.

13 Ibid., p. 5.

14 Cited in Harries, Owen, ‘The Collapse of “The West” ’, Foreign Affairs, 72, 4 (September/October 1993), p. 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Quoted in Rosenthal, Andrew, ‘Bush urges UN to Back Force to Get Aid to Bosnia’, New York Times, 7 August 1992, pp. 1, 8Google Scholar; cited in a chapter by Jack Snyder which is severely critical of the ‘ancient hatred’ view:.’Nationalism and the Crisis of the Post-Soviet State’, in Brown, Michael E. (ed.), Ethnic Conflict and International Security (Princeton, NJ, 1993), p. 79Google Scholar.

16 Secretary of State Warren Christopher, ‘New Steps Toward Conflict Resolution in the Former Yugoslavia’, opening statement at a news conference, Washington, DC, 10 February 1993; published in US Department of State Dispatch, 4, no. 7 (15 February 1993), p. 81Google Scholar.

17 For a critical evaluation of the European Community and US record on self-determination with respect to former Yugoslavia, and of the work of the Badinter Commission, see Shehadi, Kamal S., Ethnic Self-determination and the Break-up of States, Adelphi Paper 283 (London, December 1993), pp. 2831Google Scholar.

18 For an account of such efforts, see especially a paper by Prof. Valery Tishkov, who was in charge of the nationalities issues in the Yeltsin government in February-October 1992 as Chairman of the State Committee for Nationalities Policy: ‘The Burden of the Past: Experiences with Ethnic Mediation and Governance in the Former Soviet Union’, in McDermott, Anthony (ed.), Ethnic Conflict and International Security (Oslo, 1994), pp. 7083Google Scholar.

19 Boutros-Ghali, statement at seminar on ethnic conflict, Washington, DC, 8 November 1993, p. 3.

20 For a discussion of economic and legal pressures by outsiders to help mediate ethnic tensions within states, see Walker, Jenonne, ‘International Mediation of Ethnic Conflicts’, in Brown, (ed.), Ethnic Conflict, pp. 165–80Google Scholar.

21 For a succinct account of the UN Secretary-General’s efforts over Cyprus, see Franck, Thomas and Nolte, Georg, ‘The Good Offices Function of the UN Secretary-General’, in Roberts, Adam and Kingsbury, Benedict (ed.), United Nations, Divided World: The UN’s Roles in International Relations, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1993), pp. 155–7Google Scholar. They also refer to the difficulties encountered in the Middle East (pp. 163–4) and former Yugoslavia (pp. 169–72).

22 For a useful general survey, see Coakley, John (ed.), The Territorial Management of Ethnic Conflict (London, 1993)Google Scholar. Cases considered include Belgium, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Pakistan, the former Soviet Union, Sri Lanka and Tanzania.

23 Shlaim, Avi, The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists and Palestine 1921–1951 (Oxford, 1990), p. 101Google Scholar. See also the map of the UN Partition Plan, p. 102.

24 These conclusions are echoed in IISS, Strategic Survey 1993–1994 (London, May 1994), p. 99Google Scholar. It describes the complex ethnic patchwork proposal for Bosnia, painstakingly constructed in early 1993 by the UN mediators, as ‘a piece of laboured artificiality, a construct imposed from the outside’.

25 These points are all made in Chipman, John, ‘Managing the Politics of Parochialism’, in Brown, (ed.), Ethnic Conflict, esp. at p. 261Google Scholar. The chapter has a notably de haut en bas managerial tone, opening (p. 237) with a reference to ‘overindulgence in the domestic and international politics of parochialism’.

26 The view expressed in Macartney, C. A. et al., Survey of International Affairs 1925, vol. II (London, 1928), p. 258.Google Scholar

27 The exception that proved the rule was DOMREP, the Mission of the Representative of the Secretary-General in the Dominican Republic, 1965–6. It consisted of two persons or, at a generous count, four.

28 Many of the above points can be found in Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Supplement to An Agenda for Peace, UN doc. A/50/60 of 3 January 1995, e.g. at paras. 12 and 13.

29 At 31 December 1994, UNPROFOR had 39,789 military and civilian police personnel, plus over 4,000 civilian personnel. It had suffered 131 fatalities since it had commenced operations in March 1992. Figures from UN Department of Public Information, New York, January 1995.

30 From 25 September 1991 to 31 December 1994 there were eighty-one UN Security Council resolutions on former Yugoslavia. Some, however, dealt with separate matters (e.g. admission of new members, and establishment of the War Crimes Tribunal) and were not directly part of the mandate of UN peace-keeping forces.

31 3 SC Res. 981 of 31 March 1995, establishing UNCRO in Croatia and defining its mandate in very broad terms, which left detail to be added in further difficult negotiations; SC Res. 982 of 31 March 1995, extending UNPROFOR's mandate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and deciding that ‘all previous resolutions relating to UNPROFOR shall continue to apply’; and SC Res. 983 of 31 March 1995, renaming UNPROFOR within Macedonia as UNPREDEP and reaffirming its mandate.

32 SC Res. 743 of 21 February 1992, establishing UNPROFOR.

33 Franjo Tudjman wrote to Boutros Boutros-Ghali on 12 January 1995 informing him ‘that the UNPROFOR mandate is hereby terminated in Croatia effective March 31, 1995’. Copy on file with author. As noted above, on 31 March 1995 a revised mandate for the renamed UN force, UNCRO, was approved by the Security Council. It has been the subject of prolonged and difficult negotiation, i n which the US government played the lead role.

34 From the start of the humanitarian airlift on 30 June 1992 up to 26 March 1995, there were 12,181 flights to Sarajevo, which delivered 151,202 tonnes, of which 136,652 were food, and the rest non-food items (shelter materials, medical supplies, etc.). Figures in note from UNHCR to author, 28 March 1995. In April 1995, Serb threats forced a curtailment of the airlift to Sarajevo.

35 For general discussions, see Helman, Gerald B. and Ratner, Steven R., ‘Saving Failed States’, Foreign Policy, 89 (Winter 19921993), pp. 320CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lyon, Peter, ‘The Rise and Fall and Possible Revival of International Trusteeship’, Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 31 (March 1993), pp. 96110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36 Supplement to An Agenda for Peace, para. 13.

37 Roberts, Adam, Nations in Arms: The Theory and Practice of Territorial Defence (London, 1976), p. 217CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also p. 136. When a Serbo-Croat edition of the book was proposed, these were among the passages that Yugoslav colleagues indicated would have to be cut. I was not able to agree these cuts, and the project never went ahead.

38 Letter from Lord Carrington, Chairman of the Conference on Yugoslavia, writing from London to Mr Hans van den Broek, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands (at that time President of the European Community Council of Ministers), 2 December 1991. On 10 December 1991 UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar wrote in similar vein to Hans van den Broek. Remarkably, it was Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Vice-Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, who responded, in a short letter to Pérez du Cuéllar of 13 December. Pérez de Cuéllar, in a letter of 14 December, sent a strong and detailed response reiterating that ‘early selective recognitions could result in a widening of the present conflict’. Copies on file with author.

39 Agenda for Peace, paras. 11, 16, 27, and 60–5.

40 Statement by the President of the Security Council, UN doc. S/PRST/1994/22, 3 May 1994.

41 The Clinton Administration's Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace Operations, US Department of State Publication 10161 (Washington, DC, 1994)Google Scholar. This document was unveiled on 5 May 1994. This and the UN Security Council presidential statement mentioned in the preceding note are briefly summarized and discussed in Roberts, Adam, ‘The Crisis in UN Peacekeeping’, Survival, 36, no. 3 (Autumn 1994), pp. 108–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Berdal, Mats, Whither UN Peacekeeping?, Adelphi Paper 281 (London, October 1993), p. 74Google Scholar.

43 Overall, the Senate draft report proposes to reduce US spending on international affairs from about $21 billion a year at present to about $17.5 billion. Peace-keeping is one of the major targets for such cuts. See Pianin, Eric and Lippman, Thomas W., ‘Republicans Float Proposals to Slash Foreign Spending’, International Herald Tribune, Paris, 17 February 1995, p. 2Google Scholar.